Movement: A Century of Collaboration and Conflict

Eileen Boris and Annelise Orleck
Feminism and the Labor Movement: A Century of Collaboration and Conflict
Factory fire, women have become nearly half
of the unionized labor force. They work in the
growing service and public employment sectors as
nurses, home attendants, teachers, and clerks. Previously labeled women’s issues- maternity leave, equal
pay, sexual harassment, and work-family balancehave become union issues. Women hold leadership
positions in the AFL-CJO and Change to Win. With
the disappearance of manufacturing and the growth
of service labor, women of color- both immigrant and
U.S. born- have become the driving force in the labor
movement for safe jobs, living wages, and dignity at
work, leading women-dominated unions and worker
associations. It is not an overstatement to say that
the future of the labor movement appears up to the
women. 1
It hasn’t always been this way. For at least a century, labor feminists have fought for the interests of
wage-earning women and working-class housewives,
both within the feminist and the labor movements.
Still, the priorities of the women’s movement for sexbased rights and those of the labor movement for class
solidarity often diverged during the twentieth century.
Working-class feminists struggled against middle-class
feminists who focused primarily on achieving equality
with male professionals and executives. They also battled men who sought to exclude women from unionized jobs and who denied organized women workers a
full share of power in the labor moveme nt.
Highlighting key moments when feminists and
unionists came together over the last century, this
essay offers a usable past drawn from the fraught- but
often productive- relationship between feminism and
labor. An examination of the contact between organized women’s groups and organized labor, women’s
organizations within the labor movement, and feminist labor organizing shows that when feminists and
unions worked together, both benefited. Labor gained
when it understood women’s issues as crucial for
the advancement of the working class. The women’s
movement was at its strongest when its membership
and agenda crossed class lines. Recognition of this
history may help to revitalize feminism as much as
organized labor.
The years surrounding the I 91 I Triangle Shirtwaist
Factory fire saw significant and broad-based collaboration between labor activists and middle- to upperclass feminists in the United States. That period began
with the creation of the Women’s Trade Union League
(WfUL) in 1903. The League, as it was known by its
members, drew together educated women reformers
(mostly white, Protestant, and native-born) and young
women workers (many of them immigrant Jews, Italians, and Irish) to improve factory wages, working
conditions, and hours. The WfUL embodied both
an unusual degree of collaboration between feminists
and the labor movement, and the many tensions that
arose from long-standing attempts to build lasting and
productive relationships. 2
This cross-class women’s network deepened with
the uprisings of young women garment workers that
began in ew York in 1909 and then spread over the
next few yea rs into other Eastern and Midwestern cities. Middle-class and affluent supporters of woman
suffrage-including League activists, college students, and even wealthy socialites-saw these strikes
as an opportunity to win working women lo the cause.
Forming what the press dubbed “mink brigades,”
afnuent supporters marched alongside young immigrant women on picket lines in a largely successful
attempt to reduce high rates of police brutality. After
they bailed a rrested strikers out of jail, they spoke
(alongside the released strikers) for woman suffrage
on the steps of jails and courthouses. Affluent feminists brought working women into existing suffrage
194 Part Ill: Social Organization of Gender
organizations, as well as offering financial support for
the establishment of working-class suffrage groups.
Working women understood, as Polish Jewish cap
maker Rose Schneiderman explained in 1907, that
they “must … secure political power to shape their
own labor conditions.”3
Women factory and manufacturing workers knew
they needed the political and financial support of
these more affluent “allies.” Nonetheless, imbalances
in social power and financial resources generated
much conflict in the first two decades of the century,
when working-class members felt bullied, condescended to, or generally misunderstood. While many
working-class women embraced socialism and anarchism, their better-off allies mostly shied away from
revolutionary politics, preferring to reform the existing system. The refusal of working women to eschew
more radical approaches moved affluent women to
withdraw financial support from independent working women’s groups, prompting angry responses. “It is
up to the working people to save themselves,” Schneiderman tongue-lashed a theater full of affluent New
Yorkers after the Triangle Factory Fire. 4
In the aftermath of the fire, women labor activists
and reformers redoubled efforts to win the vote, and
industrial feminists (the self-name of labor feminists
of that day) like Schneiderman began to focus as much
on passing laws to regulate wages and labor conditions as they did on union organizing. Frances Perkins
(the future U.S. Secretary of Labor under Franklin
Roosevelt) of the National Consumers League and
Pauline Newman (a former Triangle employee and
WTUL activist) were appointed as investigators for
the New York State Factory Investigating Commission (FIC), positions they used to educate powerful
politicians about the conditions under which working
women labored. Over the next three years, the New
York FIC and sister organizations in the other industrial states pushed through a dramatically expanded
regulatory structure for factory labor-including laws
that empowered state commissioners of labor, banned
the labor of children under the age of fourteen, and
required inspection of elevators and fireproof devices.5
Jn the aftermath of the Triangle Fire, women labor
activists redoubled efforts to win the vote. During
World War I, this collaboration between middle-class
feminists, women labor activists, and Democratic
Party politicians resulted in the founding of a Women
in Industry Service to monitor conditions of women
working on defense contracts. After the war, President
Wilson established a permanent Women’s Bureau in
the U.S. Department of Labor to investigate women’s
working conditions. Its creation marked the ascension
of “industrial” and “social” feminists to federal government positions of authority, a significant move toward
remaking the state as a force sympathetic to at least
some of the goals of the labor movement.6
By the 1920s, when the WfUL came to be run
by labor union women- such as Schneiderman and
Newman-it was genuinely a cross-class, multiethnic
organization. Still, once U.S. women won the right to
vote, relations between the self-described feminists of
the National Women’s Party (NWP) and women in the
labor movement frayed. In the early 1920s, NWP leaders
began lobbying for an Equal Rights Amendment (ERA)
to the Constitution, which declared it unconstitutional
to discriminate on the basis of sex. The labor movement
rejected the ERA out of fear that it would negate hardwon legislation protecting women workers. Ignoring
industrial feminists’ pleas to adopt a more piecemeal
approach to gender equality, the NWP introduced the
ERA into every session of Congress from 192 l into the
early 1970s, driving a deep and lasting wedge between
the labor movement and feminist activists.
Labor opponents of the ERA gained the upper hand
with the election of Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1932. He
was, along with his wife Eleanor, a key ally of the New
York WfUL. With the appointment of League leaders like Perkins and Schneiderman to key government
positions, FDR signaled support for the goals of the
labor-feminist alliance. Perkins oversaw the extension
of wage-and-hour and safety protections for all workers, regardless of gender, through the National Labor
Relations Act of 1935 and the Fair Labor Standards
Act (FLSA) of 1938. These laws marked a turning
point for union men who had long been ambivalent
toward the idea of legislating labor conditions. No longer were strategies for improving the lives of workers
so starkly divided by sex.
Still, race continued to divide the working class.
The new legislation intentionally denied coverage
to agricultural and domestic workers-the fields in
which most women of color were employed. Many
within the labor-feminist coalition pushed to expand
federal laws, including the Social Security Act of
1935, to extend coverage to these occupations. They
also expanded the reach of the labor movement by
supporting organizing drives among service workers, many of whom were women of color. In reaching out to black and immigrant organizers like Maida
Springer Kemp, Dolly Robinson, and Charlotte Adelman, the mid-l 930s WTUL brought laundry workers,
Eileen Boris and Annelise Orleck I 20. Feminism and the Labor Movement 19 5
waitresses, and hotel maids-who had been largely
ignored by white male unionists- into the labor movement. This same period saw the mass organizing of
Caribbean immigrants and Puerto Ricans in the East
and Mexican Americans in the West. These populations had long been ignored by the male-led unions.
With the coming of World War II, large-scale
employment of women in defense plants moved feminist labor issues into the center of public discussion.
Early in the war years, manufacturers attempted to
label any new jobs in defense production as “female”
work, enabling them to pay women workers less
than the prevailing union wage. Labor leaders’ longstanding attempts to keep the best-paid jobs for white
male union members had to be rethought, given the
labor shortages resulting from the wartime draft.
Reluctantly at first, more enthusiastically later, some
unions- most notably the United Electrical Workers (UE)- began to resist sex-based pay differentials.
Even leaders with little concern for women’s salaries
worried that if they allowed manufacturers to pay
women less during the war, when men came home
afterwards, it would be difficult to bring wages back
up. Other unions retained sex-based pay differentials
in their contracts, but in 1942 the National War Labor
Board-responding to years of lobbying by laborfeminist groups like the WTUL-established a policy
of equal pay for men and women performing the same
jobs. The 1963 Equal Pay Act, the first time the federal government put its power behind equal pay for
equal work, was the fruit of continuing labor-feminist
agitation on this issue.
With wage-earning mothers constituting 36 percent
of the labor force by the war’s end, work and family
balance inevitably became an urgent labor issue. Joint
efforts between feminists and male unionists mitigated
the “double day” with publicly supported child care,
flexible hours, and more convenient shopping options.
Industrial unions recognized woman power through
special women’s committees; the United Automobile Workers (OAW) committee carried forward the
labor-feminist agenda into the early postwar years, in
collaboration with the U.S. Women’s Bureau.7
The 1960s and 1970s saw an explosion of interactions between feminists and trade unionists, and an
energetic feminism within the labor movement. As
women’s liberation activists discovered the working
class-with help from World War II-era trade unionists and leftists- feminist caucuses sprung up within
existing unions. At its first convention in 1974 ,
thirty-five thousand wome n gathered together not “to
swap recipes,” as Myra Wolfgang of HERE taunted
George Meany and the rest of labor’s male leadership,
but to organize the Coalition of Labor Union Women
(CLUW). Along with explicitly feminist groups like
the Union Women’s Alliance to Gain Equality (Union
WAGE) and 9to5, CLUW declared women’s issues to
be union issues.8
In honoring WTUL stalwart Pauline Newman at
its founding meeting, CLUW recognized generational
continuities among labor feminists. Its stated priorities
explicitly echoed those of the WTUL: strengthening
the role of women in unions; organizing unorganized
women; achieving pay equity; and increasing the
involvement of women in the political and legislative
process. But CLUW added goals that reflected changing times- promoting affirmative action for women
in the workplace, addressing the concerns of aging
women workers, and tackling substance abuse. In
1980, C LUW president Joyce Miller became the first
woman on t he AFL-CIO’s executive board-a modest
and long-overdue recognition of the significance of
women in the labor movement.
Trade union feminists helped launch a revitalized
women’s movement that sparked new demands for
women’s rights at home, on the job, and within unions.
Clericals, flight attendants, and domestic workers
contested the dominant assumption within the AFLCJO that women workers were unorganizable. Collective action hit pink-collar occupations. This trend was
exemplified by the formation of
Trade union feminists helped launch a revitalized
women’s movement that sparked new demands for
women’s rights at home, on the job, and within unions.
Stewardesses for Women’s Rights, the Willmar Bank
Employees’ Association strike in 1977, and the highly
creative and flexible campaign to organize Harvard’s
clerical and technical workers. Independent women’s
associations, like Chicago’s Women Employed, were
far more likely to initiate such efforts than were traditional labor unions. At a time when most unions still
concentrated on manufacturing, feminists argued for
both the economic value of women’s unpaid labor in
the home and the worth of women’s work in service
industries. They anticipated the strategies needed to
organize the future economy.9
At the same time, trade union women shaped the
new feminism in two ways. First, they complicated the
196 Part Ill: Social Organization of Gender
meaning of equality by bringing to the feminist agenda
issues like child care and flextime that women needed
to balance wage-earning with family life. By the
1970s, labor feminists went beyond an antidiscrimination program to insist that women’s rights at work
included pregnancy leave and other labor standards,
and that these issues mattered to the labor movement
even if they did not apply to men. The World War II
efforts of the International Union of Electrical, Radio,
and Machine Workers (IUE) laid the basis for feminist
organizing in the I 970s that culminated in the Pregnancy Discrimination Act of 1978. In 1982, twenty
thousand Chinese immigrant garment workers forced
union-sponsored day care onto the agenda of the
labor movement by leaving their babies on the desk
of previously unresponsive garment union president
Jay Mazur. 10
Second, they had an institutional impact. Not only
would longtime union activists, like Stella Nowicki
from Chicago’s stockyards, become involved with
women’s liberation; they also helped birth its most
national manifestation. In 1966, Caroline Davis and
Dorothy Haener from the UAW’s Women’s Department became key founders of the National Organization for Women (NOW), providing office space and
clerical services to that fledging organization. NOW’s
cofounder and most famous leader, Betty Friedan, had
learned to organize in the UE.11
UAW women were in the forefront of shifting
labor’s stand toward the ERA. Like other women in
male-dominated or mixed-sex industries- and unlike
allies in the U.S. Women’s Bureau-they viewed
women’s labor laws not as protective devices but as
tools of both management and hostile male workers
who sought to limit women’s opportunities and pay.
They applauded the striking down of sex-based labor
restrictions under Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights
Act, achieved through the cooperation of labor and
feminist legislators. 12
In the years that followed, many local groups
bridged the gaps between trade unionism and the
women’s movement. 13 In California’s Bay Area, two
activists rooted in the old left- Jean Maddox of the
militant Local 29 of the Office and Professional
Employees International Union and Ann Draper of the
Amalgamated Clothing Workers Union-established
Union WAGE in 1971. They aimed to counter NOWs
neglect of working women and support organizing
through rank-and-file movements and independent
associations. The larger women’s movement, in turn,
influenced WAGE, which fought for reproductive
rights, struggled against sexual h arassment and racism, and condemned discrimination on the basis of
sexual orientation, age, and disability. 14
Citywide clerical assoc1at10ns, alon g with
workplace-based women’s caucuses, more typically
represented the collective action inspired by feminist
and other radical insurgencies against the AFL-CIO_l 5
In the early 1970s, 9to5 expanded from a consciousness-raising group amon g Harvard clerical workers to
become (first) an organization of Boston clerical workers, then part of the National Association of Working
Women. In 1975, it created a companion union-Local
9to5-that was affiliated with the SEIU. Under the
banner “Raises not Roses,” clerical women petitioned,
picketed, sued , and engaged in creative street actions.
In the 1990s, founder Karen Nussbaum brought a
feminist perspective to her tenure as director of the
U.S. Women’s Bureau and, in 1996, as the head of the
AFL-CJO’s new Working Women’s Department. 16
Feminists also established caucuses within established unions. Among the most effective, the District
31 (based in Northwest Indiana’s Calumet Region)
Women’s Caucus of the United Steelworkers mobilized “burly” men to march for the ERA in Illinois, a
major industrial state resisting ratification. It joined
with a multiracial coalition of Chicago-area women’s
groups to fight against job discrimination and violence against women and for abortion rights. It also
defended women’s jobs during layoffs.
In the early I 970s, black feminist leaders Shirley Chisholm and Eleanor Holmes Norton sought to
jointly mobilize the civil rights, labor, and women’s
movements to improve the conditions of domestic
service. While the AFL-CIO still could not imagine
organizin g such workers, its members joined a crossclass and multiracial mix of feminists in supporting
the 1974 expansion of the Fair Labor Standards Act
to cover domestic workers. With the support of the
National Committee on Household Employment, a
black feminist organization initially founded by labor
feminists, domestic workers themselves mobilized
as the Household Technicians of America (HTA) in
1972. Given the stigma associated with domestic service, local groups across the nation sought not only
traditional bread-and-butter improvements but also
respect for their work and humanity through written
contracts, public recogn ition ceremonies, and training
and education programs. 18
Las Vegas became a surprising base for labor feminism when a multiracial workforce of hotel maids
turned the city’s Hotel and Culinary Workers Union
Eileen Boris and Annelise Orleck I 20. Feminism and the Labor Movement 197
Local 226 into the largest private union local in the
United States in the 1990s. Beginning in the 1940s,
African American women assumed leadership roles.
In the 1950s, under pioneering business agent Sara
Hughes, black women who labored as “back of the
house” workers in the city’s hotels and casinos became
organized. But, twenty years later, African American
workers contested the union’s collaboration with
hotel management to segregate them into the lowest wage positions in the hotel workforce. A series of
protests and court challenges yielded a federal consent decree forcing the union and Las Vegas hotels
to train and place women and workers of color into
higher-paid jobs. In the late 1980s, the union’s multiracial membership ratified some of the best contracts
in the nation for service workers. This period of success for unionized women of color culminated in I 990
when Hattie Canty-a black migrant mother of tenbecame president of the Culinary Union. 19
The relationship between the women’s movement and
organized labor has shifted over the last twenty-five
years. The AFL-CIO has incorporated major concerns
of wage-earning women into its formal agenda, calling for: equal pay, work and family balance, and prevention of violence against women in the workplace.
Middle-class feminists played a role in pushing unions
to recognize these concerns, but too often they ignored
how class structures the outcome of gender inequality, as in questions of remuneration, time flexibility,
and the double day. While feminists of all classes easily embraced equal pay, middle-class people are less
active in seeking redress for underpaid caregivers.
Jamaican immigrant Evelyn Coke-the Long Island
home care worker whose exclusion from the minimum wage law the SEIU litigated-garnered meager
feminist support for her plight. On the other hand,
feminists gave crucial support to new formationslike Domestic Workers United in New York City and
other ethnically based associations-that seek dignity
and recognition as well as better working conditions.
These efforts culminated in September 20 IO when
New York became the first state to adopt a Domestic
Worker Bill of Rights. 20
Most significantly, women have become the
new face of labor, composing the majority of union
recruits. As manufacturing declined and the service
economy exploded, immigrant women in low-wage
jobs brought a new vitality and militancy to unionization. The numbers of jobs in teaching, nursing, and
clerical work that employed more women than men
continued to grow right up to the beginnings of the
current recession, increasing women’s percentage of
the unionized workforce. In service industries, women
now make up half of all unionists. Their numbers have
begun to close the overall membership gap. 21
While unions once saw women as unorganizable,
today they count on them. Examples range across
the labor force but concentrate in the health care
sector. Most of the seventy-four thousand Los Angeles
home aides who voted to join the SEIU in I 999 were
women. The 150,000-strong National Nurses United,
formed in 2009 from three nurses groups, became
the nation’s largest union of medical professionals.22 Though the numbers of women in leadership
positions are nowhere near parity, Mary Kay Henry
replaced Andy Stern as the head of the SEI U in 20 I 0.
Linda Chavez-Thompson served as executive vicepresident of the AFL-CJO for over a decade, and then
was replaced by another AFSCME (American Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees)
leader, Arlene Holt Baker. And in 2009, Liz Shuler of
the IUE became the first woman elected as the federation’s secretary-treasurer.
Women of color- many of them immigrantshave spearheaded fights against today’s sweatshops
in the fields and in homes, and have organized workers in food processing and garment production. They
have revived hotel worker militancy, as evidenced
by HERE’s ongoing Hotel Workers Rising initiative
and Boston chambermaids’ protest against the Hyatt
chain. 23 Joined by middle-class feminist alliessome of whom were from the same ethnic group (as
with Asian Immigrant Women Advocates)- they are
addressing workplace conditions and occupational
safety issues that represent today’s equivalent to the
hazards of a century ago, including carpel tunnel
injuries and industrial fires. In the 1990s, Mexicana
farm workers of Lideres Campesinas investigated the
impact of pesticides on pregnancy and highlighted
sexual harassment as well as the continued low wages
paid for work in California’s fields. 24 Worker centerslike the Garment Worker Center in Los Angeles and
many others- are linking feminism, immigrant rights,
and worker justice on a daily basis in working-class
communities. 25
A century ago, the Triangle Fire horrified New
York City and the nation as a whole, forcing the labor
movement, feminists, and political reformers to more
198 Part Ill: Social Organization of Gender
systematically address the murderous conditions facing American workers. Over the years, feminists and
trade unionists came together in numerous ways,
engaging in vibrant coalitions that enabled them to
transcend their differences. Today’s labor movemen t
has become, in large measure, a women’s movement.
Whether it will stay that way remains to be seen. Is
the feminization of the labor movement yet another
indicator of its decline? Or is it a harbinger of labor’s
renewal? One hundred years after Triangle, that question remains unresolved. One thing is certain: the
future strength of the labor movement depends on its
women, and the future of feminism will continue to
be shaped by labor.
I. Kate Bronfenbrenner, “Organizing Women: The Nature
and Process of Union Organizing Efforts Among U.S. Women
Workers Since the 1990s” Work and Occupations 32, no. 4
2. Annelise Orleck, Common Sense and a Little Fire:
Women and Working-Class Politics in the United States, 1900-
1965 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, J 995).
3. New York Evening Journal, July 14, I 907.
4. New York Times, April 4, 1911 .
5. Frances Perk.ins, The Roosevelt 1 Knew (New York:
Viking Press, 1946), 22.
6. Orleck, Common Sense, 138.
7. Karen Anderson, Wartime Women: Sex Roles, Family
Relations, and the Status of Women During World War II (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981 ); Nancy Gabin, Feminism in the
Labor Movement: Women and the United Auto Worh.ers, 1935-
1970 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1990).
8. Dorothy Sue Cobble, “‘A Spontaneous Loss of Enthusiasm’: Workplace Feminism and the Transformation of
Women’s Service Jobs in the 1970s,” International Labor and
Working-Class History 56 (Fall 1999): 23-44; Diane Balser,
Sisterhood and Solidarity: Feminism and Labor in Modern
Times(Boslon: South End Press, I 987), 159.
9. Nancy Macl ean, “The Hidden History of Affirmative
Action: Working Women’s Struggles in the 1970s and the Gend er of Class,” Feminist Studies 25, no. I (Spring 1999): 43-78.
I 0. Dorothy Sue Cobble, The Other Women’s Movement:
Workplace Justice and Social Rights in Modem America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004 ), I 59- 161, 163- 173,
216- 217; Xiaolan Bao, Holding Up More Than J-lalf the Sky:
Chinese Women Garment Workers in New York, 1948- 92
(Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2006).
I I . Gabin, Feminism in the Labor Movement, 188-228.
I 2. Eileen Boris and Sonya Michel, “Social Citizenship and
Women’s Right to Work in Postwar America,” in Patricia Grimshaw et al., Women’s Rights and Human Rights: International
Historical Perspectives (New York: Palgrave, 200 I), 205.
13. Margaret Strobel, “Organizational Leaming in the Chicago Women’s Liberation Union,” in Myra Marx Ferree and
Patricia Yancey Martin, eds., Feminist Organizations: Harvest of
the New Women’s Movement (Philadelphia: Temple University
Press, 1995), 145- 64.
14. Balser, Sisterhood and Solidarity, 87-143.
15. Maclean, ‘The Hidden History of Affirmative Action,”
43- 78.
16. Cobble, The Other Women’s Movement, 211- 215;
Karen Nussbaum, “Working Women’s Insurgent Consciousness,” in Dorothy Sue Cobble, ed., The Sex of Class: Women
Transforming American Labor (Ithaca: Cornell University Press,
2007), 159- 176.
l 7 . Mary Margaret Fonow, Union Women: Forging Feminism in the United Steelworkers of America (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2003).
18. Eileen Boris and Premilla Nadasen, “Domestic Workers
Organize!,” Working USA: The Journal of Labor and Society 11
(December 2008): 413-437.
19. See Annelise Orleck, Storming Caesars Palace: Haw
Black Mothers Fought Their Own War on Poverty (Boston: Beacon Press, 2005).
20. Boris and Nadasen, “Domestic Workers Organize!”
21. “U.S. Union Membership Up Substantially in 2008,
Study Shows,” August 31, 2008, available at www.eurekalert.
org/pub_releases/2008- 08/uocuum082808.php; Amy Caiazza
and Casey Clevenger, Research in Brief: Seven Strategies That
Promote Womens Activism and Leadership in Unions (Washington, DC: Institute for Women ‘s Policy Research, December
200 7).
22. Eileen Boris and Jennifer Klein , “Labor on the Home
Front: Unionizing Home-Based Care Workers,” New Labor
Forum I 7, no. 2 (Summer 2008): 32-4 1; Tim Gaynor, “U.S.
Nurses Unions Merge,”, December 7, 2009.
23. More information about Hotel Workers Rising is available at
24. Maylei Blackwell, “Lideres Campesinas: Grassroots
Gendered Leadership, Community Organizing, and Pedagogies
of Empowerment” (unpublished report, NYU/Wagn er Research
Center for Leadership in Action, New York, 2006).
25. Miriam Ching Yoon Louie, Sweatshop Warriors: Immigrant Women Workers Take On the Global Factory (Boston:
South End Press, 200 I).

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Our essay writers are graduates with bachelor's, masters, Ph.D., and doctorate degrees in various subjects. The minimum requirement to be an essay writer with our essay writing service is to have a college degree. All our academic writers have a minimum of two years of academic writing. We have a stringent recruitment process to ensure that we get only the most competent essay writers in the industry. We also ensure that the writers are handsomely compensated for their value. The majority of our writers are native English speakers. As such, the fluency of language and grammar is impeccable.

What if I don’t like the paper?

There is a very low likelihood that you won’t like the paper.

Reasons being:

  • When assigning your order, we match the paper’s discipline with the writer’s field/specialization. Since all our writers are graduates, we match the paper’s subject with the field the writer studied. For instance, if it’s a nursing paper, only a nursing graduate and writer will handle it. Furthermore, all our writers have academic writing experience and top-notch research skills.
  • We have a quality assurance that reviews the paper before it gets to you. As such, we ensure that you get a paper that meets the required standard and will most definitely make the grade.

In the event that you don’t like your paper:

  • The writer will revise the paper up to your pleasing. You have unlimited revisions. You simply need to highlight what specifically you don’t like about the paper, and the writer will make the amendments. The paper will be revised until you are satisfied. Revisions are free of charge
  • We will have a different writer write the paper from scratch.
  • Last resort, if the above does not work, we will refund your money.

Will the professor find out I didn’t write the paper myself?

Not at all. All papers are written from scratch. There is no way your tutor or instructor will realize that you did not write the paper yourself. In fact, we recommend using our assignment help services for consistent results.

What if the paper is plagiarized?

We check all papers for plagiarism before we submit them. We use powerful plagiarism checking software such as SafeAssign, LopesWrite, and Turnitin. We also upload the plagiarism report so that you can review it. We understand that plagiarism is academic suicide. We would not take the risk of submitting plagiarized work and jeopardize your academic journey. Furthermore, we do not sell or use prewritten papers, and each paper is written from scratch.

When will I get my paper?

You determine when you get the paper by setting the deadline when placing the order. All papers are delivered within the deadline. We are well aware that we operate in a time-sensitive industry. As such, we have laid out strategies to ensure that the client receives the paper on time and they never miss the deadline. We understand that papers that are submitted late have some points deducted. We do not want you to miss any points due to late submission. We work on beating deadlines by huge margins in order to ensure that you have ample time to review the paper before you submit it.

Will anyone find out that I used your services?

We have a privacy and confidentiality policy that guides our work. We NEVER share any customer information with third parties. Noone will ever know that you used our assignment help services. It’s only between you and us. We are bound by our policies to protect the customer’s identity and information. All your information, such as your names, phone number, email, order information, and so on, are protected. We have robust security systems that ensure that your data is protected. Hacking our systems is close to impossible, and it has never happened.

How our Assignment  Help Service Works

1.      Place an order

You fill all the paper instructions in the order form. Make sure you include all the helpful materials so that our academic writers can deliver the perfect paper. It will also help to eliminate unnecessary revisions.

2.      Pay for the order

Proceed to pay for the paper so that it can be assigned to one of our expert academic writers. The paper subject is matched with the writer’s area of specialization.

3.      Track the progress

You communicate with the writer and know about the progress of the paper. The client can ask the writer for drafts of the paper. The client can upload extra material and include additional instructions from the lecturer. Receive a paper.

4.      Download the paper

The paper is sent to your email and uploaded to your personal account. You also get a plagiarism report attached to your paper.

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